The project of a small Israeli state, which the Zionist entity is currently promoting, poses a major threat to the Lebanese entity, through its declaration of control over the area south of the Litani River, along with southern Syria, as a step towards the Greater Israel announced by Benjamin Netanyahu, based on the devastating results of the recent war on southern Lebanon on the security, economic and social levels.
If resistance, in its various forms, constitutes a means of defending the homeland, then building a state for all its citizens constitutes the fundamental goal of a free and independent homeland.
After the liberation of the South in 2000 and the withdrawal of the Syrian army in 2005, the Lebanese political forces, in all their components, did not proceed to build a state of institutions based on laws that ensure equality among citizens. Nor did the political forces, through their control of central and local authorities, allow the building of the elements of citizenship, the most important of which is securing the element of participation based on freedom of opinion, expression and accountability, and they did not commit to transparency in their relationship with the public.
In southern Lebanon, the Shiite duo’s authority has emerged in most areas, excluding and marginalizing any movement or force that might put forward an opinion contrary to it. There are many examples of this, including what happened in one of the towns in the Nabatieh district, where a group of young people tried to hold a discussion session about the role of youth in towns that do not have municipal councils, and what tasks young people can perform related to public affairs. This is a right guaranteed by the Lebanese constitution and in the concept of citizenship. However, this youth group faced an obstacle, which is that holding such sessions requires the approval of the authoritarian political parties, who kept stalling for two months in giving a negative or positive position under the pretext of scrutinizing the party that would manage the discussion, and the points that would be discussed. This led to the cancellation of the activity itself and put a barrier in front of the beginning of participation in building active citizenship.
In another southern town in the Zahrani district, the main political force prevented the town’s youth from meeting with the youth of another southern town to discuss the problems that young people face in their relationship with the local authorities. The reason is due to the religious affiliation of the youth of the first town being different from the religious affiliation of the youth of the second town.
In another southern city, its municipality turned the experience of building partnership between it and the local community into a play in order to pass whatever projects it wanted that were funded from abroad, because the donor had requested that the proposed projects be approved by the local community, but the local authority used different means to turn the participatory work mechanism into a means that was used according to the interest of the municipal council and its policy and not according to the suggestions and recommendations of the local community.
A few weeks ago, the Lebanese Tobacco and Tombac Monopoly (Regie) decided to suspend the 11 tobacco cultivation licenses held by Ahmad Ismail from Aita al-Shaab in the Bint Jbeil district, in addition to 94 licenses belonging to 25 other farmers that Ismail cultivates under an agreement with them. The suspension decision was based on Ismail’s statements about bribery within the Regie administration during a press interview featured in a video report produced by the online news platform, Manateq Net.
This is not the first time Ismail’s licenses have been suspended. He shed light on the issue of corruption and bribery in 2019, and his licenses were suspended at that time before being reinstated after mediation.
Lebanese farmers now face two dangers. The first is the Israeli military operations that involve dropping stun grenades and firing live ammunition at farmers attempting to work their land. The second danger stems from the actions of a public institution affiliated with the Ministry of Finance, but effectively controlled by one of the two Shiite parties. This party has transformed the institution into a tool for securing political patronage and controlling the southern population by seizing the farmers’ livelihoods. The decision taken by the Regie administration is arbitrary. Ismail is exercising his right to freedom of expression, guaranteed by Article 13 of the Lebanese Constitution and Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Furthermore, withdrawing or suspending a license requires a decision from the Ministry of Finance and is subject to specific conditions.
These are examples of the policies of de facto authorities, who do not see the state project as an end in itself, but rather as a means to be used in building a “mini-state” for each faction within the power structure. This mini-state project stands as an obstacle to any attempt to build a state for all its citizens.
However, this does not absolve the relevant ministries and departments from fulfilling their legally mandated duties. The Ministry of the Interior, for example, has oversight authority over municipalities and local authorities to ensure their compliance with the law. This authority is often neglected due to the influence of political forces on local governments. This situation necessitates transparency, freedom of opinion and expression, and the right to access information. I recall an incident in 2011 when a municipality refused to comply with Articles 45 and 55 of the Municipalities Law, which pertain to publishing decisions and informing citizens of them. At the time, a citizen filed a complaint with the Governor of the South, who advised the citizen to withdraw it, arguing that he did not want to create a problem with the mayor, who was affiliated with a powerful political faction.
The Ministry of Finance, as a public ministry for all citizens, must exercise its authority and supervision over all institutions under its jurisdiction, so that no public institution becomes subject to a political or sectarian party.
On one occasion, a citizen submitted a request to obtain a denial of ownership of land in his municipality in the south, in accordance with Law 28/2017, which guarantees the right to access information. At that time, the employee and his supervisor refused to provide any information, claiming it was on the instructions of the Minister of Finance, who represented the Shiite duo in the government at the time.
Therefore, this reality requires the formation of pressure groups to ensure that ministries and public institutions comply with the applicable laws.
Building a state for all its citizens in a country like Lebanon, where pluralism, diversity, and sectarian affiliations often overshadow national identity, is a difficult but not impossible process. The impossibility lies in the proposals of each power faction seeking to construct a “state within a state” tailored to its own specifications and specific ideological affiliations, bearing no relation to Lebanese national identity. This national identity can only be built through a popular movement that not only raises the banner of active citizenship but also works to create common ground among citizens from diverse backgrounds, united by the shared interest of building a state that produces a true homeland, replacing the current, unfulfilled national project.